In Thailand’s turbulent politics, old political taboos are being shattered and the once off-limits monarchy is being subject to public criticism. Youth-led protesters are targeting 10 specific areas of government and monarchical reforms, demanding the removal of Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, but curbs on King Maha Vajiralongkorn’s unchecked power. With institutional reforms to the monarchy now the talk of the country, questions should naturally surface about where power lies. What would a diminished monarchy mean for Thailand’s military? These questions are critical for protesters as they formulate potential negotiations – if possible – with authorities. For some observers, it is like the proverbial “chicken or the egg” question, with both options symbiotically linked together. Inseparable.
There will be no Cambodian Spring anytime soon. This is the sobering reality to a question so tempting to ask – particularly in the shadow of what’s happening in Thailand and now in Lao PDR. So, why won’t a civil society uprising happen in Cambodia soon? Since its emergence from civil war and transition back to a state of external legitimacy through the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Cambodia’s democratic moment was fast, fleeting and has long since evaporated.
The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej on October 13, 2016 marked a substantive shift in public sentiments toward the Thai monarchy. In mourning and in unity, hundreds of thousands of Thais gathered a week later at Sanam Luang Park, to sing the royal anthem, Sansoen Phrai Barami, in close proximity to the Grand Palace, where royal and religious rites had been taking place.
Thai society has watched the Royal Thai Police commit acts of professional misconduct, brutality, corruption, and violations of human rights without action by the government to reign it in. The youth-led pro-democracy protests have again afforded the police another opportunity to commit acts of brutality on Friday, re-arresting three of the most high-profile movement leaders— rendering one unconscious from an unnecessary choke hold.
It was supposed to be another good coup. Prayut Chan-o-cha and his band of Royal Thai Army loyalists promised to return “happiness to the people,” or at least that is how it was advertised. And sadly, some took the bait. A junta event that featured live music, free medical exams, and opportunities to have selfies taken with Thai soldiers drew a fairly large crowd. The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) declared it was absolutely necessary to take power from the caretaker Yingluck government in order to resolve the political crisis that had befallen the country in the months prior to the May 2014 coup d’état. But it was all a lie.
Recent political turmoil in Thailand has broken many of the taboos surrounding its once-revered monarchy. The youth-led social movement that has demanded the resignation of Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha has also submitted a list of reforms calling for substantive changes to the monarchy, including the repeal of its draconian lèse majesté laws, which forbid the insult of the monarch and have been used as a weapon to silence dissent. Reforms also call for more transparency and accountability as well as banning the monarch from endorsing political coups, which is a frequent occurrence.
After whirlwind protests that saw thousands of people take to the streets of Bangkok on Tuesday, Oct. 14, the next morning saw the Royal Thai government issue a “severe” emergency decree while at the same time arresting more than 20 people, including Anon Nampa, a human rights lawyer and one of the leaders of the student-led anti-government protesters on charges of sedition. Under the new emergency decree, gatherings of more than five people have been banned, and the publication of news and information that “could create fear” or “affect national security.”
Social media giant Twitter last week blocked nearly one thousand accounts linked to the Royal Thai Army, which were in violation of its policies on manipulation of information. According to a statement released by Twitter, the accounts were “engaging in amplifying pro-RTA and pro-government content, as well as engaging in behavior targeting prominent political opposition figures." Some of those figures included now-banned opposition leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit of the defunct Future Forward Party.
Thailand’s embattled Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha blamed anti-government protesters for some of the country’s economic malaise on Monday, noting that in order for the economic situation to be resolved, the country — namely the protesters — must “be peaceful.”