The reconciliation committee proposed by the government isn’t going well. Last week, the Pheu Thai Party decided not to join the reconciliation effort, claiming the structure of the committee was “too biased.” Back in early November, the pro-democracy movement Ratsadon announced that it would not be sending representatives, instead insisting that the proposal was simply a tactic designed to keep Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha in power.
After the Constitutional Court delivered Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha a not guilty verdict, members of the government and coalition members of Parliament warned opposition parties and others not to criticise the decision or face criminal prosecution. The Court decided on Wednesday that the Prime Minister had not abused his power or registered a conflict of interest by residing in Royal Thai Army housing despite the fact that he had retired from the military.
At a demonstration near Thailand’s Parliament on November 17, the Royal Thai Police escalated defensive measures against pro-reform protesters, employing water cannons and throwing canisters of tear gas in an effort to push back the crowd. According to Erawan Medical Centre, as many as 55 people were injured, mainly from those who inhaled teargas, and five people who were shot. While some of the injuries stemmed from a confrontation between pro-democracy protesters and yellow-clad royalists, police were seen carrying semi-automatic weapons loaded with what appeared to be rubber bullets.
The Royal Thai Police have summoned the leaders of the anti-government protesters to face charges of lèse majesté, stemming from comments made that called for institutional reforms to Thailand’s monarchy. Three of the leaders include student leaders Parit “Penguin” Chiwarak and Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul, as well as human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa, who began discussing monarchical reforms as early as August. The summons comes after a planned protest outside the Crown Property Bureau.
Yesterday’s clashes near Thailand’s Parliament marked a turning point for the youth-led, pro-democracy movement. More than 50 people were taken to hospital for wounds suffered during the outbreaks of violence, some with gunshot wounds. The Royal Thai Police escalated tensions early, by repeatedly firing water laced with chemicals from cannons at protesters. Members of Parliament could be seen leaving the scene early by boat.
In Thailand’s turbulent politics, old political taboos are being shattered and the once off-limits monarchy is being subject to public criticism. Youth-led protesters are targeting 10 specific areas of government and monarchical reforms, demanding the removal of Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, but curbs on King Maha Vajiralongkorn’s unchecked power. With institutional reforms to the monarchy now the talk of the country, questions should naturally surface about where power lies. What would a diminished monarchy mean for Thailand’s military? These questions are critical for protesters as they formulate potential negotiations – if possible – with authorities. For some observers, it is like the proverbial “chicken or the egg” question, with both options symbiotically linked together. Inseparable.
The United Nations may be flawed and it may have a diversity problem in some agencies, but it can’t be called racist. François Soudan’s article on racism on 2 November argues that the United Nations system is built to preserve the “subspecies” of white males. Racism does exist within the United Nations system. It’s hard to deny this given the allegations detailed in Foreign Policy in October. However, it is important to put this in the context of the progress that has been made within the UN system on issues of equality, race, and gender.
There will be no Cambodian Spring anytime soon. This is the sobering reality to a question so tempting to ask – particularly in the shadow of what’s happening in Thailand and now in Lao PDR. So, why won’t a civil society uprising happen in Cambodia soon? Since its emergence from civil war and transition back to a state of external legitimacy through the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Cambodia’s democratic moment was fast, fleeting and has long since evaporated.
The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej on October 13, 2016 marked a substantive shift in public sentiments toward the Thai monarchy. In mourning and in unity, hundreds of thousands of Thais gathered a week later at Sanam Luang Park, to sing the royal anthem, Sansoen Phrai Barami, in close proximity to the Grand Palace, where royal and religious rites had been taking place.
Thai society has watched the Royal Thai Police commit acts of professional misconduct, brutality, corruption, and violations of human rights without action by the government to reign it in. The youth-led pro-democracy protests have again afforded the police another opportunity to commit acts of brutality on Friday, re-arresting three of the most high-profile movement leaders— rendering one unconscious from an unnecessary choke hold.